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CELPIP Practice Reading: Reading for Viewpoints ID: #63257 Hard A Question for the Senate This Fall

Read the following opinion column from a website.

I believe a university should almost never, as a body, sever its academic ties abroad, though I have signed more than one protest letter myself. Twenty years ago I taught for a term at a partner campus overseas, and my host there was later jailed for criticizing her own government. Boycotting her university would not have freed her; it would only have cut her off from outside readers. As our senate debates an institutional boycott this fall, I think the real question is not whether to protest but who should do it.

Beatrice Appiah, head of the faculty union, argues that silence can amount to taking part. “When a lab shares its prestige with a regime that tortures students, neutrality is a choice,” she said. Still, her support comes with conditions: the partner must be shown to take a direct part in grave abuses, a documented evidence file must be prepared for each case, and two-thirds of faculty must vote in favour. Cyrus Hosseini, the university’s president, warns that cutting ties invites the other side to cut theirs, stranding graduate students, medical trainees and decades of climate records. He defends every scholar’s right to refuse a collaboration personally, but he would treat an institutional break only as a last resort, after sustained engagement has failed.

Farzaneh Krishnan, who teaches international law, wants published criteria, a hearing for every researcher affected and narrow limits on particular projects in place of cutting off a whole campus. Because open inquiry is also a human right, she argues, a boycott made in the name of rights must first show that it will not silence dissenting scholars inside the country it targets. Nnamdi Laurin, who speaks for graduate students, says those on exchange visas carry most of the harm when ties snap partway through a degree. He leans toward Krishnan and asks for hardship funds and plans for continued supervision to be written down before the senate votes on anything.

My own view is nearest to Krishnan’s. Her procedure takes rights seriously without pretending that a whole campus is guilty of what its government does, and Laurin’s protections belong at the front of it, not the back. Appiah’s threshold is a fair final safeguard for the rare case where a partner is truly complicit, though I accept Hosseini’s view that most protest belongs to individual scholars, who can refuse a project without dragging their students along. Doors, once closed, are slow to reopen. Wendeline Marsden writes about universities and public life every other Tuesday.

Using the drop-down menu (▾), choose the best option according to the information given on the website.

This column is mainly about 1.
.

Who most clearly accepts cutting ties only once efforts at dialogue have failed? 2.
.

Farzaneh Krishnan’s position would most likely be supported by 3.
.

What outcome does Nnamdi Laurin’s condition call for? 4.
.

The columnist’s view of institutional boycotts is best described as 5.
.

The following is a comment by a visitor to the website page. Complete the comment by choosing the best option to fill in each blank.

I supervise nine doctoral students, and this fall’s senate debate has taken over every lab meeting we have held since September. The union chair would demand 6.
before any boycott, which is a higher bar than I expected from her. The law professor’s reminder that 7.
is the sentence I keep returning to on my walk home. She would rather see 8.
than a total break, and here I think she has the balance right. The graduate student leader notes that 9.
, and the people in my lab would agree. The story of the time the columnist 10.
did more to change my mind than any petition in my inbox.

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