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CELPIP Practice Reading: Reading for Viewpoints ID: #63255 Hard Take It Down, but Explain Why

Read the following opinion column from a website.

I believe Ottawa is right to put a legal duty on large platforms, and I believe the current draft reaches too far. Two years ago a joke I posted about our city’s parking rules was removed as “hateful content” and restored nine days later, with no explanation either time. Multiply that by millions of posts, and a loosely written duty becomes a machine for deleting lawful speech. The hard questions, in my view, are how far the duty should reach into speech that is legal but disputed, and who pays when a platform gets it wrong.

Edda Lozier, who directs safety at a large platform, argues for a firm duty covering content that is already illegal, with a 24-hour deadline to act and records that a regulator can inspect. “Voluntary promises fall apart the moment outrage starts paying,” she told senators, and she would grant legal protection only to platforms that honestly carry out that duty. Bruno Chiang, who practises civil liberties law, says a vague word like “harmful” will silence satire and protest, above all if penalties land before an appeal is heard. He accepts faster removal of plainly illegal posts, but only with narrow definitions, notice to the user, and a quick way to restore a post, with the platform paying costs when it removes too much.

Noa Campeau, who publishes a regional newspaper, says single posts worry her less than reach. In elections and health emergencies, she argues, the harm comes from known falsehoods pushed to millions. She wants warning labels and reduced reach for accounts that repeat them, not the deletion of every disputed claim. She also notes that her paper already answers to libel law while platforms profit from reach without similar responsibility. Teo Maguire, an Indigenous online-safety advocate, says online abuse usually lands on women and on minority users before anyone else, so a slow response is never neutral. He supports Lozier’s deadline, but only if the duty includes reporting channels run with affected communities and reviewers trained to read context, rather than keyword filters alone.

The duty should cover illegal content, with Lozier’s deadline and Maguire’s trained reviewers, and it should carry Chiang’s remedies for posts removed by mistake. Campeau’s labels make sense to me for elections, and I like that they slow a falsehood without erasing it. What the law should not do, I would argue, is order platforms to delete lawful speech that some officials dislike. Speed without an appeal would simply hand the censor’s pen to a company.

Using the drop-down menu (▾), choose the best option according to the information given on the website.

This column is mainly about 1.
.

Who most clearly accepts faster removal while insisting on a remedy for mistakes? 2.
.

Edda Lozier’s position would most likely be supported by 3.
.

What outcome does Teo Maguire’s condition call for? 4.
.

The columnist’s main concern about the draft law is 5.
.

The following is a comment by a visitor to the website page. Complete the comment by choosing the best option to fill in each blank.

Ashwin, I have read a lot about this bill, but no one else made me picture the people on both ends of a takedown the way you did. The safety director’s plan includes 6.
, and that detail gets far too little notice in the news. The publisher wants 7.
for accounts that keep repeating falsehoods, which sounds worth testing during the next federal election. Her remark that 8.
surprised me, and it shifted my thinking on the whole debate. The advocate’s warning that 9.
should be read aloud in the House before any vote. As for your own story, a post of yours about 10.
being pulled for nine days sounds absurd, and sadly I find it easy to believe.

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